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Confederate Bomb Plot

Confederate Bomb Plot


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Confederate Bomb Plot - HISTORY


Confederate Mound at Oak Woods Cemetery

Near the southwest corner of Oak Woods Cemetery in Chicago&rsquos Hyde Park neighborhood stands a 30-foot granite monument dedicated to the thousands of Confederate soldiers who died as prisoners of war at Camp Douglas. The monument marks a mass grave containing the remains of more than 4,000 Confederate prisoners, reinterred here from the grounds of the prison camp and the old Chicago City Cemetery.

Camp Douglas, located on land owned by politician Stephen A. Douglas&mdashAbraham Lincoln&rsquos opponent in the 1860 presidential election&mdashoriginally served as a Union recruitment and training center. However, after the Union victory at Fort Donelson, Tennessee in December 1862, the camp became a major detention facility for Confederate prisoners of war. It had a maximum capacity of 10,000 prisoners, and over the course of the war, more than 26,000 Confederate prisoners passed through its gates. Disease, particularly smallpox, and exposure to the elements claimed the lives of more than 4,000 prisoners. The camp established two small cemeteries on its grounds, but most of the casualties were buried in Chicago&rsquos old City Cemetery along the shores of Lake Michigan, in what is now Lincoln Park.

The lease for Camp Douglas required the removal of the entire camp, including the cemeteries, at the end of the Civil War. In 1866, Chicago closed the old City Cemetery due to its constant flooding, forcing the Federal Government to find a permanent burial ground for the remains of the Confederate prisoners. A lot within the Oak Woods Cemetery was selected, and approximately 4,200 remains were reinterred here between 1865 to 1867. Landscape architect Adolph Strauch designed the cemetery, envisioning it as a park-like setting, rather than a naturalistic garden, using curving pathways and slightly elevated burial plots. Many notable local residents, including several mayors, governors, and congressmen are buried throughout Oak Woods Cemetery.

Four cannons surround the monument, forming a square 100 feet on each side. Between the monument and the northern cannon, 12 marble headstones laid in an arc mark the graves of unknown Union guards at the Camp Douglas prison camp. Also near the monument are the plot&rsquos flagpole and a large cannonball pyramid.

Confederate Mound is located within Oak Woods Cemetery at 1035 East 67th St., in Chicago, IL. The burial plot is open for visitation daily from sunrise to sunset. No cemetery staff is present onsite. The administrative office is located at Abraham Lincoln National Cemetery, and the office is open Monday-Friday from 8:00am to 4:30pm, and is closed on all Federal holidays except for Memorial Day. For more information, please contact the cemetery office at 815-423-9958, or see the Department of Veterans Affairs website. While visiting, please be mindful that our national cemeteries are hallowed ground. Be respectful to all of our nation&rsquos fallen soldiers and their families. Additional cemetery policies may be posted on site.

Visitors to Confederate Mound may also be interested in the surrounding historic Oak Woods Cemetery.

Confederate Mound was photographed to the standards established by the National Park Service&rsquos Historic American Landscapes Survey.


Man arrested on suspicion of bomb plot to destroy Confederate statue

A 25-year-old man has been arrested in Houston for allegedly attempting to plant a bomb near a local Confederate monument.

The Houston FBI announced on Monday that they had arrested Andrew Schneck in connection with an incident in front of the General Richard Dowling Monument in Hermann Park two days before.

Mr Schneck is believed to have been carrying items capable of producing a viable explosive device. He has been charged with attempting to maliciously damage or destroy property.

Recommended

Officials say a Houston park ranger caught Mr Schneck kneeling near the statue of the Confederate general on Saturday. Prosecutors claim he was carrying two boxes with duct tape and wires, and a bottle with liquid that could be used to make explosives.

Officials conducted a raid on a Houston home on Sunday, bringing in tools often used to handle homemade bombs. In a press conference on Monday, police confirmed they were attempting to recover "significant hazardous materials".

Sources told local news station KPRC2 that authorities had searched the same house four years before, looking for materials that could be used to make nerve gas or tear gas. Less than a year later, Mr Shneck, who lived in the house with his parents, was convicted for improper storage of explosive material. He was sentenced to five years of probation and a $159,000 fine.

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

1 /9 Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Protesters clash and several are injured

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Trump supporters at the protest

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

State police stand ready in riot gear

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Militia armed with assault rifles

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Statue of Confederate General Robert E Lee

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Racial tensions sparked the violence

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

A car plows through protesters

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Confederate statues have become a flash point in the US, after white supremacists held a rally in Virginia to protest their removal. Confederates fought in the US Civil War in order to preserve the practise of slavery.

The University of Texas removed four such statues from its Austin campus on Monday, after the university president declared them "symbols of modern white supremacy and neo-Nazism".

In Durham, North Carolina, protesters took matters into their own hands and tore down a Confederate statue themselves.

“I chose to [pull down the statue] because I am tired of living in fear,” one Durham protester, who is black, told reporters. “I am tired of white supremacy keeping its foot on my neck and the neck of people who look like me.”

President Donald Trump, meanwhile, has condemned the removal of the statues, deeming it "so foolish".

"Sad to see the history and culture of our great country being ripped apart with the removal of our beautiful statues and monuments," Mr Trump tweeted last week. "You can't change history, but you can learn from it."


Confederate Complicity in the Assassination of Abraham Lincoln – Part 1

In this four-part series, past Roundtable President John Fazio reviews the current scholarship on the question of whether John Wilkes Booth and his band of conspirators, in their attempt to behead the Union government, acted independently or under the direction of the Confederate Secret Service and the top levels of the Confederate government, up to and including Jefferson Davis.

Part 1 of this series (below) reviews the nature of covert operations as generally practiced by nations and as specifically practiced by the Confederate Secret Service. Part 2 of this series suggests the motives the Confederate government had for pursuing political assassination as a war tactic and argues that the Lincoln plot was actually part of a larger, official terror campaign waged by the Confederacy against the Union. Part 3 of this series profiles Booth and traces his activities leading up to the assassination. Part 4 wraps up the analysis and addresses why all of it still matters 145 years later.

I. Rogue Operations – The Case of Jonathan Pollard

Jonathan Pollard’s Naval Intelligence ID photo

From May, 1984, until his arrest in November, 1985, Jonathan Pollard, a 31-year old head of the Middle Eastern desk at the U.S. Navy’s Suitland, Maryland, Intelligence Complex, spied for Israel. The classified documents that he gave Israel access to would fill a space 10 ft. by 6 ft. by 6 ft. (360 cu.ft.). It was said that he did it for money and jewelry, but we may be certain that he did it for political reasons as well. His treachery is said to have caused one of the worst security disasters in United States history. In 1987 he was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment. All efforts to have him paroled or pardoned have failed.

What is significant is that from the date of his arrest until 1998, Israel insisted that his activities were a rogue operation. In 1998, then Prime Minister Netanyahu admitted that it wasn’t so, that in fact Pollard was, at all relevant times, an Israeli intelligence agent and that Israeli intelligence had recruited him and handled him, i.e. supervised his activities, until he was caught.

Does anyone suppose that United States intelligence services, or any intelligence service in the world, for that matter, bought the “rogue operation” explanation? Of course not. Why not? Because all intelligence services know that the business of intelligence is incredibly complex and sophisticated, that it is imperative that agents follow orders at all times, especially when major policies of a government can be and likely will be affected by their actions, and that “rogue operations” are all but unknown in the intelligence world.

So let it be with the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. The notion that it was a rogue operation by a disgruntled actor and a little band of cut-throats, mental retards and cowards is ridiculous on its face, and the evidence that it was not this is very strong to overwhelming.

II. Insulation aka Buffering

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in 5 seconds…

One of the first principles of covert operations is plausible denial, which is closely tied to the principle of insulation, also known as buffering. We have all seen, heard or read of handlers forewarning intelligence operatives that if they are caught, so and so or such and such will deny any knowledge of the operative or of his or her activity. The object is to put as many layers as practical between those who issue the orders and those who actually carry them out, known variously as grunts, hatchet-men, fall guys and numerous other appellations.

Applied to the Confederacy, we may place President Jefferson Davis at the very top with Attorney General, later Secretary of War, later Secretary of State, Judah P. Benjamin, just slightly below him, much like the relationship between a captain and a first mate. The two had known each other and worked well together for many years. Below these two were field officers who could be relied upon to support intelligence initiatives and covert operations, e.g. Robert E. Lee, Jubal Early, John S. Mosby and doubtless others, though it must be said that some commanders in the field were selective: they would sign on to some covert operations, but not others.

Why name Lee, Early and Mosby specifically? Because they were fighting in the Eastern Theater of the war, close to the seat of Federal authority and power, where they could therefore make a difference.

  • Jefferson Davis
  • Judah P. Benjamin
  • John Wilkes Booth

Below these was the Confederate Secret Service in its truest sense, i.e. thousands of trained agents placed in strategic locations in and out of the country, ready, willing and able to receive orders from Richmond and to implement them through the agency of subordinate operatives, who in turn had their own subordinate operatives, i.e. the grunts, who actually executed the orders by planting and detonating the explosives, plunging the daggers and pulling the triggers, etc. In this scenario, there are four layers of insulation separating the very bottom from the very top. It is doubtful that there were more there may have been fewer it may not have been so neatly stratified. We shall probably never know. It seems probable that many intelligence services in today’s world make use of more than that, but the Confederate Secret Service, after all, was not the CIA, the KGB or Mossad.

In these circumstances, a smoking gun, i.e. a writing, in code or otherwise, indicating that A (Davis) ordered E (Booth) to kill Lincoln, or B (Benjamin) ordered F (Powell) to kill Seward, etc., will never be found because it almost certainly never existed. Such an order, the execution of which would rightly be called the crime of the century and which could have the most profound military and political consequences, would never be given directly to the lowest level operative, but would be given to an intermediary, who would in turn pass it to another intermediary, who would give it to the lowest level operative, thus assuring the necessary insulation. Further, such an order would never be committed to writing, but would be given orally and sent by courier.

Furthermore, it is known that Judah Benjamin burned all records relating to the Confederate Secret Service when Richmond was evacuated on April 3, 1865, and that Jefferson Davis, on May 2, 1865, shortly before his capture and after receiving word of Lincoln’s assassination, called his cabinet together for the last time and ordered the destruction of many official papers, so even what was written is now almost all gone. Verbal testimony was nearly as unlikely to be found because there were several layers of insulation to overcome to get to it, and everyone was sworn to secrecy.

Most often, Booth’s minions had no idea who Booth talked to and took orders from in Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, Boston, Montreal or Toronto. And most often, Booth had little or no idea who these agents talked to and took orders from in Richmond or elsewhere. And so on all the way to the top. We must, therefore, content ourselves with circumstantial evidence. But as every prosecutor knows, circumstantial evidence isn’t bad and is often preferable to eyewitness testimony.

III. The Confederate Secret Service

No one will ever know exactly who or what comprised the Confederate Secret Service. What is known is that the Confederacy justified measures that fell outside the ambit of so-called Christian or civilized warfare on the grounds that such measures were necessary to compensate for the North’s superiority in manpower and resources. What is also known is that Confederate clandestine activities and covert operations fell under one or more divisions of the Service, namely:

  • Foreign agents
  • The Signal Corps (1,200 men)
  • The Torpedo Bureau (mines and disguised bombs)
  • The Submarine Battery Service
  • Espionage
  • The Special and Secret Service Bureau
  • Secret Service Operations in Canada.
  • Booth’s Accomplices

In the case of covert plans to abduct or murder Lincoln, we may safely say that the projects were under the overall control of Davis and Benjamin and that the action team for one such plan comprised, at least, John Wilkes Booth, Lewis Powell (aka Lewis Paine or Lewis Payne, “Reverend Wood” and “Mosby”), George Atzerodt, David Herold, Mary Surratt, John Surratt, Michael O’Laughlen, Samuel Arnold, Edmund Spangler and Dr. Samuel Mudd. It may seem odd to lump Mudd, a physician, with the motley band of misfits, but the fact is that Mudd was part of Confederate intelligence throughout the war, met with Booth on at least three occasions before the assassination and greatly assisted him in his escape. It is arguable that Booth’s stop at Mudd’s home after the assassination was occasioned only by the fact that he had broken his leg when he jumped to the stage and therefore needed medical care, but it is just as likely, perhaps more so, that he would have stopped irrespective of his condition, inasmuch as Mudd was one of a line of Confederate agents that stretched from Washington to Richmond through lower Maryland and Virginia, agents whom Booth would also meet with as he made his way south. Spangler was on the edge, and his sentence reflected that fact. Nevertheless, he played a role that was sufficient, in my opinion, to include him as part of the team.

The head of the group, of course, was Booth (Powell called him “Captain”), though it is known that John Surratt had direct contact with Benjamin and perhaps Davis, in Richmond. Booth appears to have been a middle-level operative as well as a triggerman.

  • Lewis Powell
  • John Surratt
  • David Herold
  • George Atzerodt
  • Samuel Arnold
  • Mary Surratt
  • Michael O’Laughlen
  • Samuel Mudd
  • Edmund Spangler

Were there others? Without question. Powell said to Assistant Secretary of War, Major Thomas T. Eckert, who questioned him, “All I can say about this is that you (United States prosecutors) have not got the one-half of them.” That fact alone, i.e. that the conspiracy involved a substantial number of people, is probative of complicity of the Confederate government. A rogue operation by an individual or a small number of individuals, though unlikely, at least has some plausibility, but the greater the number of participants, the less likely it is that they can be operating without the supervision of, and control by, the highest political authority in the Confederacy. Indeed, after the turn of the century, more than 35 years after the fact, Richard M. Smoot, a Confederate officer, admitted his involvement in the plot to kidnap or assassinate Lincoln and implied that two other previously unknown men were involved, namely Joseph Eli Huntt and Frederick Stone, the latter having died in 1899. Interestingly, Stone was Dr. Mudd’s and David Herold’s defense counsel in the trial of the conspirators.

Is it too much to believe that Davis and Benjamin would plot such a dastardly deed as the murder of the President, the Vice President, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of War and the Lieutenant General of the Union armies? It shouldn’t be. Desperate men do desperate things. Davis, of course, later denied having anything to do with the assassination, saying that he would a thousand times have preferred dealing with Lincoln than with Johnson. In so saying, he did what almost anyone in his circumstances would have done: he lied. Further, this particular remark is disingenuous, because the plan called for the murder of Johnson too.

More telling is Davis’s response upon first receiving news of the assassination: “If it were to be done, it were better if it were well done,” he said. Later, in response to John Breckenridge’s remark that the assassination was unfortunate for the people of the South “at this time,” Davis said: “Well, General, I don’t know. If it were to be done at all it were better that it were well done, and if the same had been done to Andy Johnson, the beast, and to Secretary Stanton, the job would have been complete.” It is very significant, and indeed probative of his complicity, that Davis found fault not with the murder of his political counterpart, but with the fact that Vice President Johnson and Secretary of War Stanton had not also been murdered.

Such was the testimony of Lewis F. Bates, Superintendent of the Southern Express Company for the State of North Carolina, given at the trial of the conspirators. Bates was present when Davis received the news, by telegram, and later entertained both Davis and Breckenridge at his home.

Still further, it is known that at least two Confederate soldiers, one of whom was said to be a Northerner serving in a Georgia regiment, wrote to Davis volunteering to murder Lincoln and other Northern leaders. One of the letters, with its Presidential endorsement, was discovered among Confederate records after the war (the few that escaped the flames) and was considered proof of Davis’s sanctioning of political assassination.

It is very significant, too, that Benjamin, as previously said, burned everything relating to the Secret Service and then fled to England under a false name after the Confederacy collapsed. It was a tortuous journey, full of hazards and near-misses with death, but he did make it, soon carved out a successful life in his adopted country and died a natural death in 1884, in Paris, at the age of 72. Obviously, he did not want to be tried, which can only mean that he had serious doubts that he could avoid the hangman. It is not necessary to ask “Why?” the answer is perfectly clear: he was up to his eyeballs in terror plots and plots to decapitate Northern leadership by abduction and/or murder and he supposed, probably correctly, that Federal prosecutors would nail him for it, but would not nail Davis because Davis had plausible deniability, because many Confederate agents were prepared to sacrifice or perjure themselves or to engage in legal gymnastics to preserve the illusion of Davis’s innocence and because Davis was, and would likely continue to be, a Southern icon whom the Federal Government would be loathe to prosecute, which turned out to be true.

Furthermore, the law provided that treason trials had to be conducted in the state in which the crime occurred, in Davis’s case, Virginia, where he was so popular that it would have been nearly impossible to find a jury that would convict him. Benjamin and Davis surely knew this.

It is also significant that Davis kept a coal bomb on his desk, the very same kind that was used by Confederate agents to sink more than 60 Union gunboats and other watercraft and which may well have been used to sink the Sultana with a loss of nearly 2,000 lives.

But what did the Confederate leadership hope to gain by the decapitation of the Federal leadership?

The second article in this series suggests the motives the Confederate government had for pursuing political assassination as a war tactic and argues that the Lincoln plot was actually part of a larger, official terror campaign waged by the Confederacy against the Union.

Sources: The sources that were used for this four-part article are listed in part 4.


Related Stories

Hundreds Turn Out for "Destroy the Confederacy" Rally Hosted by Black Lives Matter Houston

Turns out, the liquid Schneck tried to drink field tested positive as nitroglycerin, said U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Texas Abe Martinez. A second substance, a white powder found in a small black aluminum tube, tested positive for Hexamethylene triperoxide diamine, a chemical used to initiate explosions.

Prosecutors noted that nitroglycerin is one of the world's most powerful explosives, and said investigators believe the materials Schneck brought to the statue "were capable to produce a viable explosive device."

The Houston Police Department and FBI swarmed Scheck's home in Rice Village, at 2025 Albans, on Sunday and continued the raid into Monday afternoon, saying they had found hazardous materials inside. Neighbors along Albans were asked to evacuate for safety reasons, police said. According to the U.S. Attorney's Office, Scheck had been conducting "chemistry experiments" inside his parents' $2.1 million home.

"Some very hazardous materials were found in it, and we are in the process of mitigating that and removing those materials in a manner that doesn't jeopardize the public and keeps every one safe," said Larry Satterwhite, assistant chief of homeland security for the Houston Police Department.

EXPAND

This is not Schneck's first brush with federal authorities over explosive materials. He pleaded guilty in 2014 to a single count of knowingly storing high explosives in an illegal manner by keeping picric acid, a common ingredient in many explosives, at what was then his parents' home on Fall River Road.

Schneck was sentenced to five years probation, but a judge cut the sentence short just two years later, in 2016. In a motion arguing for early termination of his client's supervised release, Schneck's lawyer, Philip Hilder, argued Schneck had been "of exemplary character" since his arrest. Plus, Hilder said Schneck had committed no new crimes and had completed his financial obligations (he had been ordered to pay $159,000 to agencies that had spent resources investigating his case, including the FBI and Houston Fire Department.)

"Over the term of his supervised release, Schneck has matured and his focus is no longer concentrated on high-risk activities," Hilder wrote. Later, he added, "Schneck is not a risk to public safety nor is there a history of violence."

Schneck's lawyer said his client devoted himself to education, and earned a bachelor's degree from Austin college. His major, along with Classics?

Keep the Houston Press Free. Since we started the Houston Press, it has been defined as the free, independent voice of Houston, and we would like to keep it that way. Offering our readers free access to incisive coverage of local news, food and culture. Producing stories on everything from political scandals to the hottest new bands, with gutsy reporting, stylish writing, and staffers who've won everything from the Society of Professional Journalists' Sigma Delta Chi feature-writing award to the Casey Medal for Meritorious Journalism. But with local journalism's existence under siege and advertising revenue setbacks having a larger impact, it is important now more than ever for us to rally support behind funding our local journalism. You can help by participating in our "I Support" membership program, allowing us to keep covering Houston with no paywalls.


Man arrested on suspicion of bomb plot to destroy Confederate statue

A 25-year-old man has been arrested in Houston for allegedly attempting to plant a bomb near a local Confederate monument.

The Houston FBI announced on Monday that they had arrested Andrew Schneck in connection with an incident in front of the General Richard Dowling Monument in Hermann Park two days before.

Mr Schneck is believed to have been carrying items capable of producing a viable explosive device. He has been charged with attempting to maliciously damage or destroy property.

Recommended

Officials say a Houston park ranger caught Mr Schneck kneeling near the statue of the Confederate general on Saturday. Prosecutors claim he was carrying two boxes with duct tape and wires, and a bottle with liquid that could be used to make explosives.

Officials conducted a raid on a Houston home on Sunday, bringing in tools often used to handle homemade bombs. In a press conference on Monday, police confirmed they were attempting to recover "significant hazardous materials".

Sources told local news station KPRC2 that authorities had searched the same house four years before, looking for materials that could be used to make nerve gas or tear gas. Less than a year later, Mr Shneck, who lived in the house with his parents, was convicted for improper storage of explosive material. He was sentenced to five years of probation and a $159,000 fine.

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

1 /9 Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Protesters clash and several are injured

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Trump supporters at the protest

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

State police stand ready in riot gear

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Militia armed with assault rifles

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Statue of Confederate General Robert E Lee

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Racial tensions sparked the violence

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

A car plows through protesters

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Violence on the streets of Charlottesville

Confederate statues have become a flash point in the US, after white supremacists held a rally in Virginia to protest their removal. Confederates fought in the US Civil War in order to preserve the practise of slavery.

The University of Texas removed four such statues from its Austin campus on Monday, after the university president declared them "symbols of modern white supremacy and neo-Nazism".

In Durham, North Carolina, protesters took matters into their own hands and tore down a Confederate statue themselves.

“I chose to [pull down the statue] because I am tired of living in fear,” one Durham protester, who is black, told reporters. “I am tired of white supremacy keeping its foot on my neck and the neck of people who look like me.”

President Donald Trump, meanwhile, has condemned the removal of the statues, deeming it "so foolish".

"Sad to see the history and culture of our great country being ripped apart with the removal of our beautiful statues and monuments," Mr Trump tweeted last week. "You can't change history, but you can learn from it."


Military Occupation

On May 5, 1864, the 1st and 22nd United States Colored Troop regiments arrived at City Point, and during the first weeks of occupation bolstered their ranks by recruiting runaway slaves. On June 15 Union general-in-chief Ulysses S. Grant set up his field headquarters at City Point, remaining there for the duration of the nearly ten-month-long Petersburg Campaign. Living in tents during the summer and a two-room log cabin during the winter, Grant directed most of the last months of the war from City Point.

In the meantime, City Point transformed from a tiny, bombarded, and mostly abandoned village into one of the largest ports in the world. Through the foresight of Union quartermaster Rufus Ingalls and the hard work of soldiers and civilians, including former slaves, twenty-one miles of military railroad were constructed by March 1865, linking City Point to the Union front lines around Petersburg and supplying more than 100,000 troops and 65,000 animals. It is said that a large bakery in the town produced as many as 100,000 loaves of bread a day.

In the summer of 1864, the Confederate Secret Service executed a plot to disrupt the port’s service. On July 26, Captain John Maxwell left Richmond, arriving in Isle of Wight County on August 2, where he was met by R. K. Dillard, who acted as his local guide. On August 9, the two talked their way past Union pickets and entered City Point. Under his arm, Maxwell carried a box with a “horological torpedo,” or time bomb, that consisted of a timer mechanism and twelve pounds of gunpowder. Upon approaching the wharf, he handed the package over to a man working on the General Meade, where it soon exploded, igniting nearby ammunition stores. A Union ordnance officer who witnessed the blast wrote, “From the top of the bluff there lay before me a staggering scene, a mass of overthrown buildings, their timbers tangled into almost impenetrable heaps. In the water there were wrecked and sunken barges, while out among the shipping—where [there were] many vessels of all sizes and kinds—there was hurrying back and forth on the decks to weigh anchor, for all seemed to think that something more would happen.”

Some 58 people were killed and 126 wounded, while the damage estimate reached four million dollars. Even from his relatively safe vantage point, Dillard was permanently deafened by the explosion. Grant noted that “every part of the yard used as my headquarters is filled with splinters and shells.” A Confederate prisoner awaiting exchange was killed, and a bayoneted musket was thrown a half-mile. Union officials had no idea what had caused the blast until after the war, and some had initially blamed careless black dockworkers.

During the occupation, City Point was also home to the Depot Field Hospital, actually a group of hospitals serving the Second, Fifth, Sixth, and Ninth corps of the Army of the Potomac a separate, affiliated hospital served the cavalry. Black Union troops were cared for in a segregated hospital until all United States Colored Troops in the Army of the Potomac were transferred to the Army of the James in December 1864. The sprawling hospital complex consisted of 1,200 tents in the summer of 1864, but these were soon replaced by 90 wooden buildings and 452 tents sufficient to house just more than 5,400 men. The hospital also had a water tower, kitchens, a dining hall, and an ice house. In 1865 alone, 29,000 patients were admitted, with 53 percent being transferred to hospitals farther north. Another 41 percent were returned to the front. Only 2 percent, or 572 patients, died while under care there.

Among the civilian agencies operating at City Point were the U.S. Sanitary Commission and the U.S. Christian Commission. The Sanitary Commission was chiefly concerned with the health and hygiene of Union soldiers and sailors and the Christian Commission with their spiritual welfare. About 600 people, mostly men, in the two commissions served along the Richmond-Petersburg front, often providing the soldiers with memorable delicacies. In June 1864 alone the Sanitary Commission shipped to the front canned tomatoes and sauerkraut, as well as pickled cucumbers, onions, and tomatoes. In his 1868 Annals of the United States Christian Commission, Reverend Lemuel Moss, the commission’s home secretary, noted that in 1865 the Commission employed teachers to instruct colored troops, supplying them with “tables, primers, spelling-books, writing-books, black-boards, slates, pens, and ink.”

For a few days in the summer of 1864 and for two weeks in the spring of 1865, U.S. president Abraham Lincoln visited City Point. On the second visit, his wife, Mary his son Tad and a host of others accompanied him. While at City Point, Lincoln discussed the future surrender of Confederate forces with generals Grant and William T. Sherman, and Admiral David Dixon Porter. After being startled awake on April 1 by a vivid dream of his own assassination, Lincoln went on to tour Union-controlled Richmond and Petersburg, leaving City Point on April 8 for Washington, D.C. Exactly one week later he was, in fact, assassinated.


Confederate Bomb Plot - HISTORY


Crown Hill Confederate Plot

Crown Hill Confederate Plot
Courtesy of the Department of Veterans Affairs,
National Cemetery Administration, History Program

Crown Hill Confederate Plot, within the confines of the privately owned Crown Hill Cemetery in Indianapolis, Indiana, is the final resting place for more than 1,600 Confederate prisoners of war. The mass grave is marked with a granite obelisk. The names of those believed to be buried there are listed on ten bronze plaques mounted on granite blocks in front of the monument.

Early in the Civil War, Camp Morton, located just north of Indianapolis served as an important recruitment and training center for the Union Army. The camp later became a major detention facility after the Union victory at Fort Donelson, Tennessee, in February 1862, when the Union sent thousands of captured Confederates north as prisoners of war. From 1862 to 1865, more than 9,000 prisoners passed through Camp Morton an estimated 1,700 died from disease and injury, often exacerbated by the poor camp conditions.

The Confederate dead from Camp Morton were first buried in Indianapolis&rsquo Greenlawn Cemetery. Initially, volunteers buried Confederate soldiers, as national cemeteries were built only for Union soldiers. Until the turn of the 20th century, Congress made no effort to provide for or identify Confederate burial sites. In 1912, the Federal Government erected a 27-foot tall monument to commemorate the Confederate dead at Greenlawn, as individual graves could not be identified and marked with headstones. In 1928, this monument was relocated to Garfield Park, three miles south of downtown, where it still stands today. In 1933, the remains of the Confederate soldiers were reinterred to a mass grave located in Crown Hill Cemetery and marked by a new six-foot tall granite monument. A plaque dedicates the memorial to the &ldquo1,616 Unknown Confederate Soldiers who died at Indianapolis while Prisoners of War.&rdquo Sixty years later, an effort led by two Indianapolis police officers to identify the remains buried in the mass grave culminated in the dedication of ten markers that list the names of Confederates who died at Camp Morton and are believed to be buried in the Confederate plot.

The plot is located near the center of Crown Hill Cemetery, in Section 32, Lot 285, approximately 1,700 feet northwest of the main gate, and 1,300 feet northeast of the Crown Hill National Cemetery. The plot is marked by a simple, white post-and-chain fence.

Crown Hill Confederate Plot is located within the confines of Crown Hill Cemetery, at 700 West 38th St., in Indianapolis, IN. The cemetery is open for visitation daily from dawn to dusk. No cemetery staff is present onsite. The administrative office is located at Marion National Cemetery, and is open Monday-Friday from 8:00am to 4:30pm it is closed Federal holidays except Memorial Day. For more information, please contact the cemetery office at 765-674-0284, or see the Department of Veterans Affairs website. While visiting, please be mindful that our national cemeteries are hallowed ground. Be respectful to all of our nation&rsquos fallen soldiers and their families. Additional cemetery policies may be posted on site.

The surrounding Crown Hill Cemetery is a featured stop of the National Park Service&rsquos Indianapolis Discover Our Shared Heritage Travel Itinerary. The gateway, office building, and chapel and vault of Crown Hill Cemetery were photographed to the standards established by the National Park Service&rsquos Historic American Buildings Survey. For more information on Crown Hill Cemetery and its history, please see the cemetery website.

Crown Hill National Cemetery is also located within Crown Hill Cemetery.

Crown Hill Confederate Plot was photographed to the standards established by the National Park Service&rsquos Historic American Landscapes Survey.


C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America

C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America is a 2004 American mockumentary that is directed by Kevin Willmott. It is an account of an alternate history, wherein the Confederacy wins the American Civil War and establishes a new Confederate States of America that incorporates the majority of the Western Hemisphere, including the former contiguous United States, the "Golden Circle", the Caribbean, and South America. The film primarily details significant political and cultural events of Confederate history from its founding until the early 2000s. This viewpoint is used to satirize real-life issues and events, and to shed light on the continuing existence of discrimination in American culture.


Confederate Bomb Plot - HISTORY

This September, reports the Rocky Mountain News Tancredo was last to be found up on stage at a Neo-Confederate rally in South Carolina:

The Greater Metro Denver Ministerial Alliance and the Latino clergy group Confianza said they were outraged that Tancredo spoke at an event Saturday at the South Carolina State Museum where the Confederate flag reportedly was on the podium and Tancredo joined the crowd in singing the Southern anthem Dixie.

The [ Southern Poverty ] law center claimed the gathering was "hosted" by the South Carolina chapter of the League of the South, a Southern nationalist group.

it was officially sponsored by an unrelated conservative group, Americans Have Had Enough, which shares the Colorado congressman's views on illegal immigration.

Tancredo spokesman Carlos Espinosa has accused the law center of intentionally fabricating facts to discredit the congressman. He acknowledged that there were Confederate flags in the room and said Tancredo joined in singing Dixie.

But, Espinosa said earlier this week, "These aren't racist people who spew out hate. These are just people remembering and cherishing their past."

That comment angered the Rev. Steven Dewberry of New Horizon Christian Community Ministries in Denver.

"To join in singing Dixie, (and) to walk into a room that has a huge Confederate flag in it, that should have been his notice to walk out," Dewberry said Thursday.

"Their past is our anguish, our slavery, our lynchings. It breaks our heart to think we still have some white brothers and sisters in (Tancredo's) district that agree with this wild behavior of his."

The current account of the incident - dated September 11th and posted on the Southern Poverty Law Center's website (without mention of any subsequent changes) is quite a bit more judicious than Espinosa's description, and the website account does not attribute the hosting of the event to the League Of The South :

At the close of Tancredo's speech, several men in confederate-themed clothing stood up and bellowed the first notes of "Dixie," the Confederate anthem. They were soon joined by voices from throughout the large hall, which was now entirely on its feet. Tancredo, a second-generation Italian-American from Denver, appeared confused by the sudden burst of strange song. He quickly worked his way toward the exit with his staff.

Tancredo's encounter with the League of the South continued outside. On the steps of the museum, Tancredo held court with LOS officials and supporters in Confederate clothing. He held a batch of the materials being distributed at the barbeque, among them a copy of the The Citizen's Informer, the newspaper of the Conservative Citizens Council, the racist organization that grew out of the segregationist White Citizens Councils of the 1950s. When questioned about the newspaper, Tancredo responded that he did not know its history.

That might even be true, but Tancredo, as Michelle Goldberg reports at Talk To Action, has a longstanding association with the extreme wing of the anti-immigration movement, while Tanya Erzen reports on a Spring appearance, on a panel alongside Sam Brownback, at a Family Research Council sponsored event in May 2006 called "Faith, Culture, and Law in the Immigration Debate.

Tancredo, is reported - by Fox news on July 18, 2005 - as having advocated, on an Orlando, Florida radio show, 'That "the U.S. could "take out" Islamic holy sites if Muslim fundamentalist terrorists attacked the country with nuclear weapons." '

But, there's more. Toim Tancredo also advocates the elimination of public education. A brief, undated report first Published by The Institute For First Amendment Studies and now at the website of Public Eye notes: